The deceased US vice-president Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was regarded as arguably the most influential holders of that office in US history. Although many second-in-commands were confined to marginal or ceremonial roles, Cheney wielded substantial sway during the administration of George W Bush, so much so that he was often referred to as the "actual president".
Bush resented this portrayal and stated the dynamic was more complicated. He observed that Cheney was respectful, always calling him in public settings as the President, while he called him as Dick. Bush challenged even descriptions of their partnership as a partnership because it suggested that they were equals. Regardless of such protestations, Cheney considered the relaxed president malleable on a wide array of administrative determinations.
The Post-9/11 Era
At the head of a faction of neo-conservatives that featured Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a session at a school in Florida. As Bush made his way to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, ordering the downing of any non-communicating planes nearing the government building.
Cheney claimed the assaults transformed him, making him become intent on retribution. In conjunction with other conservative figures, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a invasion of Afghanistan in an effort to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the military action of Iraq, although there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Controversial Actions
He showed no remorse about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis died, and not about the waterboarding of individuals captured after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was predicated on misleading intelligence repeated by Cheney, was the proper path to take. "It was the right thing to do then. I believed it back then and I maintain that stance presently."
Yet during that period, there were opposing views at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I observed, at a minimum," he wrote later "obvious failure, negligence, and irresponsibility: at worst, deception, unfitness, and corruption."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not solely responsible for the Iraq invasion. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for similar measures. He had drafted a document detailing circumstances in which national priorities might be threatened (featuring "availability of vital raw materials, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the United States should be positioned to take unilateral action when cooperative measures prove impossible," specifically mentioning military moves against Iraq.
Bush too had arrived in the White House generally inclined on carrying out what his father had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. After he had been fired by the president, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his intention of reducing America's participation in the regional tensions and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush carried a personal grudge against Saddam, convinced he had been involved in a scheme to kill his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally resented that one of the biggest hotels in Baghdad had a ground design with a portrait of his predecessor's countenance that each person had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
But it was Cheney who was part of the most vehement advocating striking Iraq, repeatedly referencing information documents that were either insubstantial or completely inaccurate. He backed what the Bush White House euphemistically referred to as "intensive questioning", the application of waterboarding and harsh treatment.
Answering a Senate report in 2014 that determined that no valuable data had been obtained through the torture, Cheney dismissed the findings as "loaded with crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and create initiatives to catch the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it would not recur. That is precisely what they did and they merit a lot of recognition."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed labels given to him by detractors such as Darth Vader and The Prince of Darkness, and by the idea that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Do I represent the malevolent mastermind in the corner that nobody ever sees leave his hole? That is a effective way to operate, actually."
Corporate Connections
Dispute over his corporate affiliations accompanied him during his tenure as vice-president. Even though he had limited background in business but good contacts in defence, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's largest energy companies, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's running mate for the presidency. Debatably, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was given US agreements totaling multiple billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly compensation during his tenure at the company rose from his $258,394 while Pentagon chief to $4.4m. When he left in 2000 he had a package valued at over $20m|twenty
